MOHAMAD GUNTUR ROMLI

2005 saw the beginning of the heaviest chapter in the discourse of religious pluralism in Indonesia. Not only did we face intellectual discourse of pluralism—how to interpret holy texts and religious doctrines to be more open to the diversity of faiths, or whittling down hatred and fanaticism among the faithful—in that year we faced all kinds of terror beginning from Fatwas from the Ullema Council of Indonesia (MUI) as well as physical terror arising from civil militia such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).

Terror towards Religious Pluralism

Some personal reflections by Mohamad Guntur Romli

2005 saw the beginning of the heaviest chapter in the discourse of religious pluralism in Indonesia. Not only did we face intellectual discourse of pluralism—how to interpret holy texts and religious doctrines to be more open to the diversity of faiths, or whittling down hatred and fanaticism among the faithful—in that year we faced all kinds of terror beginning from Fatwas from the Ullema Council of Indonesia (MUI) as well as physical terror arising from civil militia such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).

In July 2005, the MUI issued a Fatwa forbidding pluralism, secularism and liberalism as these three were considered to be against Islam. Along with these three strains of political thought, they also condemned Ahmadi teachings, which had existed in this country for the last three generation and was accused as devilish. Within that very month, the Ahmadiyah headquarters in Parung, Bogor was attacked, and has been closed down until today. There has never been any defence from government apparatus. Violence against Ahmadiyah followers kept spreading; Ahmadi mosques and schools were closed and burnt down in some places. Ahmadiyah followers in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) – an island East of Bali – have lived as refugees for the past three years. Ahmadiyah followers received several layers of discrimination. Internally, among Moslems, they were expelled (considered heretics) through the MUI Fatwa: they were forced to admit themselves as not being Moslems and to form their own religion. As Indonesian citizen they did not get any protection on their social, political, economic and cultural rights from the Government of Indonesia.

That year, I had just joined the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in Jakarta, after having studied at al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt, for six years (1998-2004). The Liberal Islam Network became the next-target of MUI Fatwa and the civil militia. Pluralism, secularism and liberalism is identical with the thought of the Liberal Islam Network. Within the context of inter-religious affairs, we belief in pluralism, within the context of religion and state we choose secularism as the right choice (to separate political and religious authority), as citizen and religious followers we fight for liberal ideas, belief in individual freedom and choice, as well as the power of human thought.

On Friday, August 5, 2005, the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) office in Utan Kayu was to be attacked by civil militias after Friday prayers at al-Azhar Mosque in Kebayoran. On that very day, hundreds of Liberal Islam Network followers flocked in, and hundreds of police were put on duty. In the end the attack failed to succeed.

Nevertheless within the Utan Kayu hamlet, a “mock” organization came into being: the Utan Kayu Islamic Forum (FUIUK), which created problems surrounding the Liberal Islam Network’s expired domicile permit. We had tried to extend it, but the Chief of the hamlet was afraid of signing it, due to pressure and threats from the forum leaders. After inviting them into a forum—which should be considered as a passing down of a sentence, not a dialog—they insisted that the Liberal Islam Network should be dismissed and moved from Utan Kayu. The reason given was the MUI Fatwa of July 2005 forbidding pluralism, liberalism and secularism. Terror towards the Liberal Islam Network lasted for two months from August to September 2005, thereafter the tension suddenly vanished into thin air. Terror towards the Liberal Islam Network did not only occur in 2005; a year before that, Ulil Abshar-Abdalla, one of the founders of the Liberal Islam Network received death fatwa from Athian Ali, head of the Islamic Faithful and Ulema Forum (FUUI) in West Java.

A year after, in August 2006, I had to deal with the police at the Indonesian Police Headquarters. I was examined as the host of Kongkow Bareng Gus Dur or “Talk show with Gus Dur”, a weekly talk show every Saturday with past president: KH Abdurrahman Wahid. I and Gus Dur were reported by the civil militias: the Islamic Defenders Front, the Ullema Council of Indonesia, the Islamic Forum, Hizb Tahrir Indonesia, etc, we were accused of dirtying the religion as we stated “the Quran is a pornographic holy book”. In the talk show we were indeed discussing the Draft of the Anti Pornographic and Pornographic-Action Law (RUU APP) —which remains controversial today. Taking into account the hazy definitions in the law, many customs, local cultures in Indonesia would be considered as pornographic. According to Gus Dur, the concept of porn only resides within the human mind itself, besides, within the draft, there was no difference between porn and eroticism, therefore the erotic Quran verses – as the is the Song of Salomo found in the Bible—could be considered porn. After being cross-examined for almost six hours by the police—in a very repressive fashion—the case suddenly evaporated.

The peak of the violence against inter-religious tolerance activists occurred in June 2008, when we, whom at the time were joining the National Alliance for Freedom of Religion and Beliefs (AKKBB) wanted to commemorate the birth of Pancasila (this country’s ideology that assures diversity of religions and cultures) were attacked by civil militias, where the FPI stood at the frontline. Seventy of us suffered from severe and light injuries (some with brain haemorrhage, and hospitalized), including mothers, children and the elderly. The majority of the victims suffered from head and face injuries having been beaten with bamboo and wooden sticks. I was one of them. My face was stabbed by a sharp bamboo. I had a broken nose and face. I was on the operation table for three hours, and was hospitalized for five days.

It seemed that my suffering was not enough with the admission in the hospital. When testifying against the defendants from from the Islamic Defenders Front militias, I was beaten up by the defendants after the testimony. I was beaten up inside the court, during the court proceeding and in front of the Judges. Violence did not happen to me alone, but also to my friends who came to give their support. Isti, a lady who was present at the court, had her hair pulled and she was beaten. Nong Darol Mahmada was sexually harrased, her torso was grabbed at and she was beaten up. Due to the non-existence of witness protection, with all regret we had to boycott the court. On the way home from the last time I went to court, we were attacked once again by the militias of the Islamic Defenders Front.

Having experienced all that, I would like to draw some conclusions. First, the discourse and religious pluralism movement is entering difficult period—one could even consider it terrifying—after 2005, since the MUI issued Fatwa prohibiting pluralism in religion. To me, the Fatwa is equal to terror, and the murder of a person’s character; whoever becomes the target of the Fatwa will feel threatened. Fatwa has become a kind of provocation often used as an excuse by the civil militia groups to conduct physical terrorism towards inter-religious tolerance activists.

Secondly, compared to the representation of Indonesian Muslims who are moderate in majority, the Moslem hardliners are indeed just a few, but the moderate majority remain stagnant, unmoving, meanwhile the Moslem fundamentalist groups are growing (within the media, parliament, political parties, civil militia, etc). While groups representing the majority of Indonesian Moslems, like the Nadhatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah could not do much more. Leaders from the two biggest mass organizations in Indonesia are more interested in practical politics, making Islam as political commodity and merely to gain sympathy from the public. Concern towards the theme of inter-religious harmony to tolerance has disappeared from these two biggest Islamic mass organizations.

Third, within this difficult condition, it does not mean that I become weak and scared, because I am still optimistic that the future of religious pluralism will be re-strengthening in Indonesia, as being open and diverse are the characters of Indonesia. I will still be optimistic, even though there is no certainty of law and politics to reassure the supporters of religious pluralism, or the moderate silent majority of Indonesian Moslems. My optimism comes from my faith that only religious pluralism will humanize man, strengthen harmony and peace as well as respect life. Meanwhile fanaticism and hatred will only ruin and destroy mankind.

Mohamad Guntur Romli is a writer and inter-religious activist, a victim of Monas Tragedy on 1st June 2008, e-mail: mohamad@guntur.name    

Translated by Putu Widyastuti on 19 October 2008